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 Topic: Random Islamic History Posts

 (Read 115146 times)
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  • Random Islamic History Posts
     Reply #630 - June 06, 2021, 01:06 PM

    Anton Howes - Did the Ottomans Ban Print? https://antonhowes.substack.com/p/age-of-invention-did-the-ottomans

    Anton Howes - Why Didn't the Ottomans Print More? https://antonhowes.substack.com/p/age-of-invention-why-didnt-the-ottomans
  • Random Islamic History Posts
     Reply #631 - June 17, 2021, 08:42 AM

    Thread: https://mobile.twitter.com/Tweetistorian/status/1405331983341850626
    Quote
    Earlier I promised a thread on when most people converted to Islam.  125 years ago Thomas Arnold simply assumed that most Middle Easterners converted to Islam within 50 years of Muhammad's death. Most non-scholars still think Muhammad came, then boom, everyone's Muslim!

    Fifty years later, Daniel Dennett (not the philosopher, his father) published a study which (inter alia) pointed out the lack of evidence for conversion in the Umayyad period, leading him to conclude that most people converted to Islam around 750, the Abbasid revolution.

    In 1979, Richard Bulliet published Conversion to Islam in the Medieval Period: An Essay in Quantitative History, which pushed the timeline back even farther.  He suggested that Iran became 90% or so Muslim by around 890 CE, but Iraq & Syria took about a century longer.

    When I criticize Bulliet's argument, it is important to keep in mind that he sharpened the regional focus that Dennett had introduced, and that he was pushing later the timeline that scholars presumed before. On these points, my complaint is that he didn't go far enough!

    There is a difference between historical arguments based on interpreting evidence and the numerical arguments advanced by Bulliet: when interpretive arguments fail, they are usually approximately correct, but when the wrong math is used, the true answer can be unrelated!

    Outside of Iran, Bulliet's conversion curves were based on essentially two points: an assumed 3% of the population converted by 64 AH, and the calculated peak of "Muslim names" the moveable parameter establishing when he assumes 84% of the population had converted.

    But as I pointed out elsewhere, at least 3 of the uniquely "Muslim names" were not uniquely Muslim
    ( https://mobile.twitter.com/Tweetistorian/status/1405214849760739331 )

    Furthermore, outside of Iran he is using essentially one primary source: al-Dhahabi's Kitab al-I`bar, and its abbreviation by Ibn al-`Imad.

    If we take out the mistaken use of "Muslim names," his method would imply that, by the time these biographical dictionaries were authored, the population of each region was not only 100% Muslim, but also 100% ulama. That didn't happen by 1348, nor even 1679!

    Imagine trying to do US demography from the ancestors of Christian seminary professors.

    The odd thing is that despite these errors, and 42 years later, the book continues to be cited, as the last systematic attempt to grapple with when the population converted to Islam.

    The problem is the book's math is wrong, so it tells us nothing. We simply don't know when most of the Middle East had converted to Islam (or other factors like immigration, different birth-rates).

    I took a different tack, using geographies rather than biographies.

    I learned that Islamization happened very locally, not at the scale of large regions, but individual villages or neighborhoods.

    There was no large-scale "tipping-point," because 51% doesn't matter outside of a democracy. We probably couldn't distinguish 45% from 55%.

    But in Syria there were still very few rural/village mosques around 1000 CE. In an agrarian society, the bulk of the population is rural. If the bulk of the population of Syria in 1000 CE had no mosques, it seems hard to believe the majority were Muslim, let alone 90%.

    Iraq is less clear, but there I found evidence that the ecclesiastical hierarchy and monastic system was not significantly reduced by 1000 CE, which I would expect to see if 90% of the Christian population had converted to Islam and stopped their donations.

    Egypt was long assumed to have become majority Muslim after the failure of the last Coptic revolt in the 830s, based on a remark by al-Maqrizi (d. 1412). But in 1973 Friedmann pointed out that this misreads al-Maqrizi's Arabic. It refers not to conversion, but victory!

    So we must take seriously the possibility that Muslims were a demographic minority even after 1000 CE, even in areas that remained under Muslim rule. This different context may reshape our understanding of how religion functioned in society (to be continued...)


    Also this thread: https://mobile.twitter.com/Tweetistorian/status/1405239176086306819
    Quote
    When did the Middle East become Muslim?

  • Random Islamic History Posts
     Reply #632 - June 17, 2021, 12:04 PM

    Thread: https://mobile.twitter.com/Tweetistorian/status/1405331983341850626
    Also this thread: https://mobile.twitter.com/Tweetistorian/status/1405239176086306819

    Quote
    Earlier I promised a thread on when most people converted to Islam.  125 years ago Thomas Arnold simply assumed that most Middle Easterners converted to Islam within 50 years of Muhammad's death. Most non-scholars still think Muhammad came, then boom, everyone's Muslim!

    Fifty years later, Daniel Dennett (not the philosopher, his father) published a study which (inter alia) pointed out the lack of evidence for conversion in the Umayyad period, leading him to conclude that most people converted to Islam around 750, the Abbasid revolution.

    In 1979, Richard Bulliet published Conversion to Islam in the Medieval Period: An Essay in Quantitative History, which pushed the timeline back even farther.  He suggested that Iran became 90% or so Muslim by around 890 CE, but Iraq & Syria took about a century longer.

    When I criticize Bulliet's argument, it is important to keep in mind that he sharpened the regional focus that Dennett had introduced, and that he was pushing later the timeline that scholars presumed before. On these points, my complaint is that he didn't go far enough!

    There is a difference between historical arguments based on interpreting evidence and the numerical arguments advanced by Bulliet: when interpretive arguments fail, they are usually approximately correct, but when the wrong math is used, the true answer can be unrelated!

    Outside of Iran, Bulliet's conversion curves were based on essentially two points: an assumed 3% of the population converted by 64 AH, and the calculated peak of "Muslim names" the moveable parameter establishing when he assumes 84% of the population had converted.

    But as I pointed out elsewhere, at least 3 of the uniquely "Muslim names" were not uniquely Muslim
    ( https://mobile.twitter.com/Tweetistorian/status/1405214849760739331 )

    Furthermore, outside of Iran he is using essentially one primary source: al-Dhahabi's Kitab al-I`bar, and its abbreviation by Ibn al-`Imad.

    If we take out the mistaken use of "Muslim names," his method would imply that, by the time these biographical dictionaries were authored, the population of each region was not only 100% Muslim, but also 100% ulama. That didn't happen by 1348, nor even 1679!

    Imagine trying to do US demography from the ancestors of Christian seminary professors.

    The odd thing is that despite these errors, and 42 years later, the book continues to be cited, as the last systematic attempt to grapple with when the population converted to Islam.

    The problem is the book's math is wrong, so it tells us nothing. We simply don't know when most of the Middle East had converted to Islam (or other factors like immigration, different birth-rates).

    I took a different tack, using geographies rather than biographies.

    I learned that Islamization happened very locally, not at the scale of large regions, but individual villages or neighborhoods.

    There was no large-scale "tipping-point," because 51% doesn't matter outside of a democracy. We probably couldn't distinguish 45% from 55%.

    But in Syria there were still very few rural/village mosques around 1000 CE. In an agrarian society, the bulk of the population is rural. If the bulk of the population of Syria in 1000 CE had no mosques, it seems hard to believe the majority were Muslim, let alone 90%.

    Iraq is less clear, but there I found evidence that the ecclesiastical hierarchy and monastic system was not significantly reduced by 1000 CE, which I would expect to see if 90% of the Christian population had converted to Islam and stopped their donations.

    Egypt was long assumed to have become majority Muslim after the failure of the last Coptic revolt in the 830s, based on a remark by al-Maqrizi (d. 1412). But in 1973 Friedmann pointed out that this misreads al-Maqrizi's Arabic. It refers not to conversion, but victory!

    So we must take seriously the possibility that Muslims were a demographic minority even after 1000 CE, even in areas that remained under Muslim rule. This different context may reshape our understanding of how religion functioned in society (to be continued...)


    that subject is a very neglected area dear zeca ., unfortunately Daniel Dennett  Junior did not become as famous as his son.. The man who explores complex subjects such as  VOoodoooo  or CONCIOUSNESS   or Darwin THE KILLER who made human being nothing more than  evolved  animals..

    I wonder any one of the readers of this forum read this book of Daniel Dennett  Junior??





    well that is that book review by Prof. Norman Anderson

    Do not let silence become your legacy.. Question everything   
    I renounced my faith to become a kafir, 
    the beloved betrayed me and turned in to  a Muslim
     
  • Random Islamic History Posts
     Reply #633 - July 22, 2021, 11:19 PM

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5FDtc9vC2lE
    Quote
    In this roundtable Ahmad Al-Jallad and Mehdy Shaddel host Dr Antonia Bosanquet (Universität Hamburg), Dr Anna Chrysostomides (Queen Mary University of London), Prof. Lev Weitz (Catholic University of America), and Prof. Philip Wood (Aga University, London) to talk about Philip's newly published book, The Imam of the Christians: The World of Dionysius of Tel-Mahre, c. 750-850 (Princeton University Press, 2021).

  • Random Islamic History Posts
     Reply #634 - July 23, 2021, 06:20 PM

    Well this is an interesting publication on Islam and its Calipha political system
    The Caliphate in the Era of Nation-States

    Quote
    The Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) seems to dominate the news of late for committing atrocities in areas  under its control. A splinter group of Al Qaeda, ISIS has now gained a reputation which can rival other terror groups. Its leader, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, declared that his group has established a caliphate which spans roughly a  third of the territory of both Iraq and Syria.

    But what exactly is a caliphate?

    How does ISIS envision the caliphate it aspires for?

    Caliph comes from the Arabic word khalīfah, which means vicegerent, deputy, or successor. The caliphate  (khilāfah) was formed after the Prophet Muhammad’s death when Abu Bakr was elected as his successor. Abū  Bakr, ʿUmar, ʿUthmān, and ʿAlī are known as the Rāshidūn Caliphas  The practices  of the Rāshidūn era provided precedents for later theories of the caliphate.

    1 The abolition of the caliphate in 1924 precipitated a debate in the Muslim world as they sought to create  institutions by which to organize and govern themselves. Until now the debate continues, with ISIS bringing it to  the fore. ISIS is romanticizing the notion of the caliphate to legitimize its actions by proclaiming its desire to create  a state reminiscent of the time of the four rightly guided caliphs as I have problem with existance of Prophet of Islam "Muhammad"

    2 It raises the question of whether the caliphate as  a system of governance remains relevant in this day and age.

    Should we equate the concept of caliphate with that  of an Islamic state?

     so that publication comes from Virgemarie A. Salazar and published in 2014.,  from National Chengchi University ., Taiwan

    that is  indeed interesting  publications ., Forget ISIS or Taliban or TAILBONES  .. or whatever  But I have more Question and problems with  those four Rāshidūn Caliphs.,

    What I am interested is any publication on these guys who were they? and where did they come from??   

    Do not let silence become your legacy.. Question everything   
    I renounced my faith to become a kafir, 
    the beloved betrayed me and turned in to  a Muslim
     
  • Random Islamic History Posts
     Reply #635 - July 30, 2021, 04:34 PM

    Aaron Hughes - Good Muslim, Bad Muslim: Neo-Orientalism and the Study of Religion

    https://www.academia.edu/50315416/Good_Muslim_Bad_Muslim_Neo_Orientalism_and_the_Study_of_Religion
  • Random Islamic History Posts
     Reply #636 - July 31, 2021, 04:26 AM

    Aaron Hughes - Good Muslim, Bad Muslim: Neo-Orientalism and the Study of Religion

    https://www.academia.edu/50315416/Good_Muslim_Bad_Muslim_Neo_Orientalism_and_the_Study_of_Religion

    That review is OK., but that book appears to be lot more interesting dear zeca.. Thanks for that link


    edited by Leslie Dorrough Smith, Steffen Führding, and Adrian Hermann  2020

    Quote
    Contents

    Preface Leslie Dorrough Smith, Steffen Fuhrding, and Adrian Hermann
    Section 1: The Public Rhetoric of Good and Bad Religion

    1. Introduction: "And What Kind of Society Does That Create?" Russell T. McCutcheon, University of Alabama]'

    2. Good Muslim, Bad Muslim: Neo-Orientalism and the Study of Religion Aaron W.Hughes, University of Rochester

    3. Religious Studies and the Jargon of Authenticity Jason A. Josephson-Storm, Williams College

    Section 2: Politics Introduction to the Politics Section Leslie Dorrough Smith, Steffen Fuhrding, and Adrian Hermann

    4. Toward a Critique of Postsecular Rhetoric Naomi R. Goldenberg, University of Ottowa

    5. The Political Utility of the Past: The Case of Greek Fire-Walking Rituals VaiaTouna, University of Alabama

    6. Privatized Publics and Scholarly Silos: Gender, Religion, and their Theoretical Fault Lines K. Merinda Simmons, University of Alabama

    7. What's Religious Freedom Got to Do With It? On the Niqab Affair in Canadian Politics Matt Sheedy, University of Manitoba

    Section 3: Media Introduction to the Media Section Leslie Dorrough Smith, Steffen Fuhrding, Adrian Hermann

    8. The Strange and Familiar Spiritual Journey of Reza Aslan Martha Smith Roberts, Denison University

    9. The Journalist-Ethnographer, Religious Diversity, and the Euphemisation of Social Relations Carmen Becker, Leibniz University Hannover

    10. Scopophilia and the Manufacture of "Good" Religion Leslie Dorrough Smith

    11. Naturalizing the Transnational Capitalist Class: Reza Aslan's Believer and the Ideological Reproduction of an Emerging Social Formation Craig Prentiss, Rockhurst University

    12. Authentic Religion - Or, How To Be A Good Citizen Steffen Fuhrding

    Section 4: University Introduction to the University Section Leslie Dorrough Smith, Steffen Fuhrding, Adrian Hermann

    13. 'Bad Religion' on the University Campus: "Political Correctness" and the Future of the Insider/Outsider Problem in the Study of Religion Adrian Hermann and Stefan Priester, University of Bonn

    14. Studying Religion in a Post-Truth World Stephanie Gripentrog, Christian-Albrechts-Universitat zu Kiel

    15. The Good, The Bad, and the Non-Religion: The Good/Bad Rhetoric in Non-Religion Studies Christopher R. Cotter, University of Edinburgh

    16. The Campus as a 'Safe Space'? A Sociology of Knowledge Perspective on the New Student Protests David Kaldewey, University of Bonn

    Section 5: Classroom Introduction to the Classroom Section Leslie Dorrough Smith, Steffen Fuhrding, Adrian Hermann

    17. What Teaching New Religions Tells Us about the Discourse on 'Good' and 'Bad' Religion David G. Robertson, The Open University

    18. Unintentionally Constructing 'Good' and 'Bad' Religions in Teaching Classical European Social Theories at a Japanese University Mitsutoshi Horii, Chaucer College

    19. Good and Bad, Legitimate and Illegitimate Religion in Education Wanda Alberts, Leibniz University Hannover

    20. Benign Religion as Normal Religion Suzanne Owen, Leeds Trinity University.
    (source: Nielsen Book Data)


    Do not let silence become your legacy.. Question everything   
    I renounced my faith to become a kafir, 
    the beloved betrayed me and turned in to  a Muslim
     
  • Random Islamic History Posts
     Reply #637 - August 18, 2021, 05:08 PM

    Podcast: https://play.acast.com/s/the-rest-is-history-podcast/87.afghanistan-part1
    Quote
    Afghanistan - Part 1

    In the first of a two-part series exploring the history of Afghanistan, Tom Holland and Dominic Sandbrook examine the nation’s complicated relationships with empires and discuss its role in the ‘Great Game’.


  • Random Islamic History Posts
     Reply #638 - August 19, 2021, 06:52 PM

    Podcast: https://play.acast.com/s/the-rest-is-history-podcast/88.thefirstanglo-afghanwar
    Quote
    The First Anglo-Afghan War

    “A war begun for no wise purpose.” This description of the First Anglo-Afghan War, fought in the early-mid 19th Century, could stand as an epitaph for most conflicts in the region since. William Dalrymple has written extensively about the history of Afghanistan and he joins Dominic Sandbrook and Tom Holland to take a deep dive into this ‘graveyard of empires’.

  • Random Islamic History Posts
     Reply #639 - September 07, 2021, 09:37 PM

    Open access book

    "Those Infidel Greeks": The Greek War of Independence through Ottoman Archival Documents
    Quote
    The documents edited by H. Şükrü Ilıcak in Those Infidel Greeks comprise the English translations of select documents from the Ayniyat Registers on the Greek War of Independence preserved in the Ottoman State Archives. The primary importance of these documents is that they are a clear testimony of the larger imperial context in which the Greek War of Independence evolved and proved successful. The mass of information they contain is immense and allows the reader to follow on an almost day-to-day basis how an empire tried to suppress a national uprising—the first of its kind in the early nineteenth century.


    https://brill.com/view/title/60933
  • Random Islamic History Posts
     Reply #640 - September 09, 2021, 07:09 PM

    Islamic Archaeology with Dr. Rana Mikati on Bottled Petrichor
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DFNaNeeLH9Y
    Quote
    Join me on this new series as I sit with experts to discuss resources, tools, and other important questions across various sub-fields in Islamic Studies.

    I'm joined today by Dr. Rana Mikati, Assistant Professor at the College of Charleston, to discuss Islamic archaeology. What is Islamic archaeology? What types of questions/research necessitate a good understanding of Islamic archaeology? What is some of the technical terminology researchers need to be familiar with when navigating the field? What are the major journals? What are some essential works students/researchers should be familiar with/have in this field? How do we use material evidence to write properly about the history of a place/period? And more!

  • Random Islamic History Posts
     Reply #641 - September 10, 2021, 07:11 PM

    Podcast: https://www.ottomanhistorypodcast.com/2021/01/islamic-modernism.html
    Quote
    Recovering God's Intent in the Modern Age | Monica Ringer

    What is Islamic modernism, and how did authors of this movement position themselves vis-á-vis other 19th century intellectual movements? In this episode, we examine how Islamic modernism was more than a product of 19th century social and political reforms or even an attempt at using Islamic language to justify such reforms. Rather, Islamic modernism was a substantive theological reform movement, fueled by the belief that God's intent could be recovered through correct and contextual readings of the past. As a result, Islamic modernists helped give rise not only to new understandings of Islam but also to new understandings of history. In our discussion, we draw on Dr. Ringer's book Islamic Modernism and the Re-enchantment of the Sacred in the Age of History out from Edinburgh University Press in 2020. In it, she takes up the work of four authors from across Eurasia: Namık Kemal from the Ottoman Empire, Ataullah Bayezidof from the Russian Empire, Syed Amir Ali from British India, and Jamal al-Din al-Afghani from Iran. Although they shared a religion, it was much more Islam that tied their ideas together.

  • Random Islamic History Posts
     Reply #642 - September 11, 2021, 11:48 AM

    Podcast: https://www.ottomanhistorypodcast.com/2021/06/baer1.html
    Quote
    Conversion and Jewish Histories of the Ottoman Empire | Marc Baer

    In this first part of a two-part interview, we talk to Marc Baer about how he first became interested in Ottoman history and explore the main themes and the questions underpinning the research in his five books. In this conversation, we place special focus on the books Honored by the Glory of Islam: Conversion and Conquest in Ottoman Europe and The Dönme: Jewish Converts, Muslim Revolutionaries, and Secular Turks. Our discussion centers on approaches to the subject of conversion in the Ottoman Empire and the history of the dönme community born out of the transformations of the 17th century.

  • Random Islamic History Posts
     Reply #643 - September 12, 2021, 01:14 PM

    Podcast: https://www.ottomanhistorypodcast.com/2021/08/rudi.html
    Quote
    The Origins of Ottoman History | Rudi Lindner

    Among the most murky periods of the Ottoman dynasty's six-century history is the period of its very emergence in medieval Anatolia. In this episode, we talk to Rudi Lindner about his attempts to understand this early period of Ottoman history and the development of hypotheses and methods concerning the investigation of Ottoman origins over the past century of scholarship. We also reflect on what decades of research and teaching have taught Lindner about sources for history and the questions they require us to ask.

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