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 Topic: Morsi ousted by military in Egypt

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  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #90 - July 28, 2013, 05:13 PM

    Rogues beat up little kids for silly words..

    What kind of love can make a grown up man beat a little child? This is not love, this is fear and hatred!

    "All animals are equal, but some animals are more equal than others." George Orwell
  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #91 - July 28, 2013, 11:16 PM

    “Do not let the army fool you” – independent union leader speaks out

    My comrades, the workers of Egypt are struggling for their rights and for a better Egypt. Egypt’s workers dream of freedom and social justice, they dream of work at a time when thieves who are called businessmen close down factories to pocket billions. Egypt’s workers dream of fair wages under the rule of a governments that are only interested in promoting investment at the expense of workers and their rights, and even their lives. Egypt’s workers dream of a better life for their children. They dream of medicine when they are sick, but they do not find it. They dream of four walls in which they can take shelter.

    Since before the 25th of January and you have been demanding your rights, and your strikes and demonstrations for the same unanswered demands continued after Mubarak’s overthrow. Both the Muslim Brotherhood and the military have negotiated left, right and centre, not once having in mind your demands and rights. All they have in mind is how to put out the sparks you have lit with your struggle in times of darkness, even these sparks all burned in isolation from each other.

    Did not the military forcibly end your strikes in Suez, Cairo, Fayyoum, and all over Egypt ? Did not the military arrest many of you and subject you to military trials just for practising your right to organize, strike, and protest peacefully? Have they not adamantly worked to criminalize this right through legislation banning all Egyptians from organizing peaceful protests, strikes, and sit-ins?

    Then came Mursi and the Muslim Brotherhood, who followed in Mubarak’s footsteps with dismissals, arrests, and smashing strikes by force. It was Mursi who sent police dogs against workers at Titan Cement in Alexandria, acting through the Minister of the Interior and his men. The same police and army officers who are right now being carried shoulder-high are killers, the killers of honest, young Egyptians. They are the authorities’ weapon against us all – and always will remain so unless these institutions are cleansed.

    The leaders of the Muslim Brotherhood are planning crimes against Egyptian people on a daily basis, which have caused the killing of innocent people, while the army and the police are facing these with brutal violence and murder. But let each of us remember, when do the army and police intervene? They intervene long after clashes have begun and are almost coming to an end, after blood has been spilled. Ask yourselves, why don’t they prevent these crimes committed by the Muslim Brotherhood against the Egyptian people before they start? Ask yourselves, in whose interest is this continuation of fighting and blood-letting? It is in the interest of both the leadership of the Muslim Brotherhood and the military together. Just as the poor are cannon-fodder for wars between states, Egypt’s poor, workers and peasants, are fuel for internal war and conflict. Has not the doorman’s innocent son been killed in Mokattam, and in Giza as well?

    Today, we have been asked to go out and authorize Al-Sisi’s killing spree, and we find all three trade union federations in agreement: the government’ Egyptian Trade Union Federation (ETUF), the Egyptian Democratic Labour Congress (EDLC), and the Egyptian Federation of Independent Trade Unions (EFITU) (of which I am a member of the Executive Committee). I debated with members of the EFITU executive committee in order to convince them not to issue a statement calling on its members and the Egyptian people to go down on Friday, confirming that the army, the police, and the people are one hand as stated in the statement. I was in the minority, winning four other votes versus nine votes, and thus all three trade union federations called for workers to join the protests on the pretext of fighting terrorism.

    We are thus faced with jumping out of the frying pan into the fire. The Muslim Brotherhood committed crimes and it must be held accountable and prosecuted for them, just like police and army officers and men of the Mubarak regime must be held accountable and prosecuted for their crimes. Do not be fooled into replacing a religious dictatorship with a military dictatorship.

    Workers of Egypt, be aware, for your demands are crystal clear. You want work for you and your children, you want fair pay, laws that protect your rights against the laws that the businessmen of Mubarak have designed to protect their interests against your rights. You want a state which has a real plan for development, opening new factories in order to absorb a growing labour force. You want freedom, freedom of all kinds, freedom to organize, freedom to strike. You want a country where you can live as free citizens without torture or murder. You have to specify what stands between you and these demands. Do not be fooled and let them take you to battles not your own. Do not listen to those who ask of you today and tomorrow to stop pressing for these demands and rights on the pretext of fighting terrorism.

    Fatma Ramadan

    Member of the Executive Bureau of the Egyptian Federation of Independent Trade Unions
    Friday, July 26, 2013

  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #92 - July 29, 2013, 06:28 PM

    A Familiar Role for Muslim Brotherhood: Opposition

    CAIRO — Among the muddy, crowded tents where tens of thousands of Muslim Brotherhood members have been living for weeks in a vast sit-in protest, men in Islamic dress can still be seen carrying incongruous signs above the teeming crowd: “Liberals for Morsi,” “Christians for Morsi,” “Actors for Morsi.” It is the vestige of a plea for diverse allies in the Brotherhood’s quest to reinstate President Mohamed Morsi, who was ousted by the military on July 3.

    But in the wake of the bloody street clashes that took place just outside the sit-in early on Saturday, leaving at least 72 Brotherhood supporters dead and hundreds wounded, another, more embattled language can be heard among the masses gathered around a large outdoor stage. Many Brotherhood members are enraged by the reaction of Christian leaders and the secular elite, who — the Islamists say — seemed to ignore or even endorse the killings while giving full-throated support to calls by Egypt’s defense minister, Abdul-Fattah el-Sisi, for a continued crackdown.

    As the Brotherhood prepares for the possibility that the sit-in will be forcibly dispersed by the police, and that the organization will be driven underground, it faces a crisis that could shape its identity for years to come. For all its stated commitment to democracy and nonviolence, the Brotherhood’s only reliable partners now are other Islamist groups whose members may be more willing to use violent or radical tactics — partners that would tar the Brotherhood’s identity as a more pragmatic movement with a broader base.

    “Now there is just one big Islamist camp on one side and the military on the other, and the differences between the Brotherhood and other Islamists are blurred,” said Khalil al-Anani, an expert on Islamist movements and Egyptian politics at Durham University in England. “It’s a populist confrontation on both sides, driven by hatred.”

    Even the Brotherhood’s own members may prove harder to control after the blood spilled on the weekend. On Saturday, some of the group’s leaders pleaded with young members who were confronting the police and plainclothes assailants to retreat to the relative safety of the sit-in. The leaders were rebuffed, a startling act of insubordination for a group that prides itself on strict hierarchy and iron discipline.

    With much of its leadership — including Mr. Morsi — held incommunicado, the Brotherhood has been unable to conduct any high-level internal dialogue about what to do. Its options are limited in any case, because to back down now, with no guarantee from Egypt’s interim government that the Brotherhood would be spared deeper repression in the future, could be political suicide. Backing down would also violate the group’s understanding of Islamic law, under which no decision to undercut Mr. Morsi can be made without consulting him, according to Gehad el-Haddad, a Brotherhood spokesman.

    In a sense, the Brotherhood’s struggle in recent weeks has been a return to painfully familiar ground. Banned for decades under President Hosni Mubarak and his predecessors, the group grew and matured under the pressure of constant police harassment. Its top leaders were shaped by long years in prison, and many of them were arrested again in early July when the military deposed Mr. Morsi.

    Most of the group’s remaining leaders are now effectively confined to the main protest sit-in, in a broad intersection around a towering white mosque in a residential area of northeast Cairo known as Nasr City. On any given evening, some of them can be found in one of the mosque’s outbuildings, looking exhausted but focused as they move from one crisis meeting to the next.

    In some ways, Brotherhood members say, the current crisis is almost comforting. Gone are the challenges and inevitable compromises of governing the country, which eroded the group’s popularity over the past year. Now it is in opposition again, a role that sits more easily with its historical self-image as a bulwark against oppression.

    “These people dare to mock our religion!” shouted Safwat Hegazy, a Brotherhood leader, as he stood under the bright stage lights on Saturday night and the flag-waving crowd roared its approval. “God will punish them,” he continued. A chant went up in the crowd: “The people want the trial of the serial killer!” — a reference to General Sisi.

    The sit-in, like many of the Arab protests of 2011, has taken on elements of a carnival: fruit and popcorn vendors push carts through the crowds, and visitors on their way to the stage clamber over sleeping bodies. The morning and evening meals of the fasting month of Ramadan, handed out in plastic-wrapped foil packages by Brotherhood volunteers, impose a ritual congeniality.

    But the slurry of garbage underfoot grows thicker every day, and the smell gets worse. Last week the Brotherhood paid for flowers and apologies to be sent to thousands of local residents.

    A core group of Brotherhood leaders who have not been arrested — about a dozen men — meet daily at the sit-in to discuss tactics, Mr. Haddad said during a late-night interview at the meeting room behind the mosque. “They go around, each one presenting his analysis of the situation; then they narrow it down to three or four options, and they vote,” Mr. Haddad said. “Sometimes it’s very heated, with shouting; sometimes it’s easy.”

    The discussions center on tactics like the route and timing of protest marches, he said. Broader discussions of strategy are impossible, given the absence of so many top leaders.

    The mood is “very angry,” Mr. Haddad said. “The military needs to be taught a lesson. At this point it’s a zero-sum game: it’s either the Brotherhood or the old regime. Everyone else is too small to matter.”

    Yet the other Islamist groups, which not long ago vied with the Brotherhood for electoral seats, are now important parts of its effort to restore Mr. Morsi to power. Although one powerful Islamist group, the ultraconservative party Al Nour, officially supported the military’s move, many of its rank and file sided with the Brotherhood and can now be found at the sit-in.

    Many Islamists from a variety of factions seem to believe that if the Brotherhood falls, they — and the cause of political Islam here and abroad — will fall with it.

    In a tent at the Nasr City sit-in, members of Gamaa al-Islamiya, which carried out a campaign of terrorism in Egypt before renouncing violence more than a decade ago, sat together on the thin mats covering the pavement, where they sleep every day during the long hours of fasting for Ramadan, the Muslim holy month.

    “What is strange is that we followed the democratic game very well,” said Yahya Abdelsamia, a middle-aged man with the bushy, unkempt beard favored by the ultraconservative Islamists known as Salafis. “We joined the elections, we did what they wanted us to. Then we’re faced with military force.” He added in English, with a pained smile, “Game over.”

    A younger man named Tareq Ahmad Hussein spoke up: “Many of the youth now say, ‘No more ballot boxes.’ We used to believe in the caliphate. The international community said we should go with ballot boxes, so we followed that path. But then they flip the ballot boxes over on us. So forget it. If ballot boxes don’t bring righteousness, we will all go back to demanding a caliphate.” He referred to a system where supreme Islamic religious leaders also held sway over secular life.

    A third man said the crisis had been useful in some ways. “It has been a tough test, but it has had benefits — now we know who our true friends are,” he said. “The liberals, the Christian leaders, they stood with the old regime. It was painful to see some fellow Muslims going against us at first, but they have now seen their mistake and returned to us. The Islamic path is clear.”

    The Brotherhood has made some effort to restrain that kind of talk. On a recent evening, an older man in traditional dress was angrily shouting to a reporter about a “war against Islam” led by liberals and the military, and the need for all Muslims to fight against it. Several Brotherhood members urged the man to change his tone, telling him to stick to the words “democracy” and “legitimacy,” and then tried to escort the reporter away.

    But the countercurrent cannot be airbrushed away. At the field hospital where dead and wounded Brotherhood supporters were brought during Saturday morning’s fighting, one young Islamist shouted that Christian snipers had been targeting his “brothers” from the rooftops.

    Later at night, at the meeting room, Mohamed Beltagy, one of the Brotherhood’s best-known leaders, sat wearily at a table, dark circles under his eyes, talking to local reporters. Mr. Beltagy was once on the leading edge of the Brotherhood’s outreach to Egyptian liberals, a charismatic politician who seemed so willing to challenge the group’s conservative orthodoxy that many predicted he would be expelled.

    Instead, he now speaks of his onetime liberal allies with bitterness, and spends his days onstage at the sit-in, rallying the Brotherhood faithful. (Arrest warrants have been issued for Mr. Beltagy and other Brotherhood leaders at the sit-in, where volunteers keep the police from entering.)

    “So many friends we used to deal with as partners now speak of the coup as a given,” he said. “Many show sympathy for the arrests, the killing, the jailing.”

    Unlike some Brotherhood leaders, Mr. Beltagy is willing to concede some errors by Mr. Morsi, who often seemed indifferent to police repression of non-Islamist protesters during his calamitous year in power. Yet Mr. Beltagy’s position has hardened in recent weeks. He now accuses his onetime liberal allies, and the United States government, of colluding in an elaborate conspiracy to foil and bring down Mr. Morsi’s government.

    “Morsi’s biggest mistake was to trust the country’s institutions, which were trying to undermine him,” he said. The corollary is that Mr. Morsi should have been far more assertive.

    That view is echoed nightly throughout the sit-in and at another, smaller protest near Cairo University, where the faithful kneel together in prayer day and night as Koranic verses echo on a loudspeaker system.

    “You are here because of the evil that wanted to eliminate religion from our lives,” a mosque speaker railed on a recent night.

    Some Islamists seem to welcome the idea of a bloody contest. Posters bearing the words “Martyr Project” adorn the walls around the sit-ins, hinting at the power of fallen comrades to inflame public anger and extend the protest movement.

    Sitting in the darkness at a street-side cafe about a block from the edge of the Nasr City sit-in, Ali Mashad, 34, a former Brotherhood member, marveled at the movement’s new role as the center of an energized Islamist camp.

    “This is not the Muslim Brotherhood I knew,” said Mr. Mashad, who left the group soon after the 2011 revolution. “They are now speaking the language of the Salafis, because that is what is popular on the street.”

    `But I don't want to go among mad people,' Alice remarked.
     `Oh, you can't help that,' said the Cat: `we're all mad here. I'm mad.  You're mad.'
     `How do you know I'm mad?' said Alice.
     `You must be,' said the Cat, `or you wouldn't have come here.'
  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #93 - August 02, 2013, 09:37 AM

    Kenan Malik: Tyranny is always tyranny, whoever may be the target

    The tragedy of Egypt today is that contemporary events echo a historical pattern repeated again and again throughout the Arab world. Supporters of the coup point out that the Egyptian army is more than merely an army; it occupies, they argue, a special place in Egyptian society. They are right. But the army only does so because of the weakness of the political sphere. There is a long history in the Arab world of popular movements for democratic change and a secular society.  Such movements have, however, often been organizationally fragile and politically incoherent. In their stead, the military has taken on the role of the agent of social change, the mechanism through which the nation is ‘modernized’. Secularism and ‘progressive’ politics have, as a result, long been associated not with freedom and democracy but with military power and authoritarian rule – from Nasserism in Egypt to  Ba’athism in Syria and Iraq. This is turn has encouraged the growth of religious anti-liberal movements, including Islamism...
  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #94 - August 14, 2013, 11:22 AM

    Bloodshed  in Cairo  screams News

    Egypt Coup Crisis: Bloodshed reported in Cairo as troops clear Pro-Morsi Supporters

    EGYPT - Pro-Morsi Supporters Set Fire To Church As Bloodshed

    At least 250 dead in Cairo crackdown, says Muslim Brotherhood

    CAIRO: Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood said at least 250 people were killed and over 5,000 injured Wednesday in a police crackdown on two major protest camps held by supporters of ousted president Mohamed Morsi.  "250+ confirmed deaths. Drs saying most critical patients will die from their bullet wounds. over 5000 wounded. Biggest massacre since #coup," Brotherhood spokesman Gehad al-Haddad said on Twitter.

    There was no independent confirmation of the Brotherhood toll.  An AFP correspondent at the Rabaa al-Adawiya protest camp had counted 17  bodies at the makeshift morgue there.

    The Arab Spring Or Egyptian blood bath??

    Do not let silence become your legacy.. Question everything   
    I renounced my faith to become a kafir, 
    the beloved betrayed me and turned in to  a Muslim
  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #95 - August 14, 2013, 06:32 PM

    When will it end. -__-;

    ***~Church is where bad people go to hide~***
  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #96 - August 15, 2013, 03:42 PM

    When will it end. -__-;

    I don't see any light at the end of this army chief Abdel Fattah al-Sisi  tunnel .. I don't know who is behind this guy but I was thinking he will go for an open elections and retire.. But things are getting bad to worse..

    CAIRO: At least 525 people were killed in Egypt on Wednesday, including 202 protesters in a Cairo Islamist sit-in, a health ministry official told AFP.

    The death toll included 43 policemen who died in violence across the country and 202 protesters killed in the Rabaa al-Adawiya protest camp, senior health ministry official Khaled al-Khatib said on Thursday.

    “Eighty-seven also died in Giza and the rest elsewhere across the country,” Khatib said. Giza is the Cairo district where police broke up another Islamist sit-in on Wednesday.

    The policemen died in clashes with the protesters in Cairo and in attacks on police stations across the country. He said 137 people had been killed in the main Rabaa al-Adawiya camp which pro-Morsi protesters had occupied for weeks.

    At the smaller of the two encampments in Nahda square, 57 people were killed and 227 died in the rest of the country, he said. The interior ministry said 43 policemen had also been killed.

    The army-backed interim government imposed a month-long nationwide state of emergency, and curfews in Cairo and 13 other provinces. ..

    Do not let silence become your legacy.. Question everything   
    I renounced my faith to become a kafir, 
    the beloved betrayed me and turned in to  a Muslim
  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #97 - August 16, 2013, 12:53 AM


    fuck you
  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #98 - August 16, 2013, 12:56 AM

    Hopefully things have calmed down a bit when I'm back in December. Tongue Anyways, here's ur daily depressing pic from Egypt courtesy of a lil kid:

    fuck you
  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #99 - August 16, 2013, 01:43 AM

    ElBaradei quits as Egypt vice president in protest at crackdown says news

    CAIRO (Reuters) - Egypt's interim vice president, Mohamed ElBaradei, resigned on Wednesday after the security forces violently broke up protest camps set up by supporters of the deposed president, Mohamed Mursi. In a resignation letter to Interim President Adly Mansour, ElBaradei said that "the beneficiaries of what happened today are those who call for violence, terrorism and the most extreme groups".

    "As you know, I saw that there were peaceful ways to end this clash in society, there were proposed and acceptable solutions for beginnings that would take us to national consensus," he wrote. "It has become difficult for me to continue bearing responsibility for decisions that I do not agree with and whose consequences I fear. I cannot bear the responsibility for one drop of blood."..

    Do not let silence become your legacy.. Question everything   
    I renounced my faith to become a kafir, 
    the beloved betrayed me and turned in to  a Muslim
  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #100 - August 16, 2013, 02:08 AM

    It only gets worse from here

    The fundamental flaw of the July 3 coup, and the reason those demonstrators that came out on June 30 against the Morsi administration were wrong to welcome it, is that it was based on an illusion. That illusion, at least among the liberal camp which is getting so much flak these days, was that even a partial return of the old army-led order could offer a chance to reboot the transition that took such a wrong turn after the fall of Hosni Mubarak on February 11, 2011. This camp believed that gradual reform, even of a much less ambitious nature than they desired in 2011, would be more likely to come by accommodating the old order than by allowing what they perceived as an arrangement between the military and the Islamists to continue. Better to focus on fixing the country, notably its economy, and preventing Morsi from sinking it altogether, and take the risk that part of the old order could come back.

    In this vision, a gradual transformation of the country could take place while preserving political stability through the armed forces.  It would be negotiated and hard-fought, as so many democratic transitions in other parts of the world have been, but the old order would need the talent and competence of a new technocratic, and ultimately political, class to deliver and improve governance. Their hope was that the Islamists would understand that they had lost this round, and that they could be managed somehow while a new more liberal order emerged. This, in essence, was what Mohamed ElBaradei and other liberals bought into on July 3, no doubt earnestly, and what so many other outside of formal politics fervently hoped for: not the revolution radicals want, but a wiser, more tolerant, order in the country.

    Unfortunately, among the broad liberal camp in Egypt, those who entertained such hopes are in a minority. Even among the National Salvation Front, as its obscene statement praising the police today showed, most appear to have relished the opportunity to crush the Muslim Brothers and appeared to believe that other Islamists could simply choose to be crushed alongside it, kowtow to the new order, or be pushed back into quietism. It appears that much of the business and traditional elite – represented politically by the Free Egyptians and the Wafd Party among others – falls into that category. They are joined by the security establishment, or deep state if you prefer.

    So once again I'm left with the classic Irish man's dilemma, do I eat the potato or do I let it ferment so I can drink it later?
    My political philosophy below
    Just kidding, here are some true heros
  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #101 - August 16, 2013, 06:16 PM

    There needs to be a central leader to usher in a revolution for everyone rally around. Having Allah as that figure is not going to cut it.

    ***~Church is where bad people go to hide~***
  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #102 - August 16, 2013, 06:36 PM

    ^^^That's probably right. I wouldn't say a central leader as an individual so much as an organization. The Egyptian left made the mistake of not quickly uniting and acting aggressively to ensure they led the course of the 2011 revolution AFTER Mubarak was ousted. As a result they had the revolution that they made taken from them almost immediately after Mubarak was out by the MB and now by the Mubarak-era security state.

    fuck you
  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #103 - August 19, 2013, 09:21 AM

    AMRIKA president Mr. Obama

    Egypt Protest 2013: In New York's Little Egypt, Echoes From Home
    what a tube .. that last one is from a  well educated young man from Egypt.  at the end Problem is always is Juicy land......

    Do not let silence become your legacy.. Question everything   
    I renounced my faith to become a kafir, 
    the beloved betrayed me and turned in to  a Muslim
  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #104 - August 20, 2013, 10:22 AM


    Egypt in Tumult as Court Orders Mubarak Freed

    CAIRO — A court on Monday ordered the release of former President Hosni Mubarak, and for the first time it was conceivable he might go free — a measure of how far the tumult now shaking Egypt has rolled back the sweeping changes and soaring hopes that followed his exit two and a half years ago.

    Few legal analysts thought a release was likely, at least in the coming weeks. But under the government installed last month by Gen. Abdul-Fattah el-Sisi, they say, it is no longer a foregone conclusion that prosecutors will continue to find reasons to detain the former autocrat, who was arrested after the uprising against his rule in 2011.

    Some analysts said that even the possibility of Mr. Mubarak’s release, previously unthinkable, provided another sign of the return of his authoritarian style of government.

    Since the ouster of President Mohamed Morsi, the interim government has brought back not only prominent faces of the Mubarak era but signature elements of that autocratic state, including an “emergency law” removing the right to a trial and curbs on police abuse, the appointment of generals as governors across the provinces and moves to outlaw the Muslim Brotherhood again as a terrorist threat.

    The Brotherhood’s spiritual leader, Mohamed Badie, was arrested early Tuesday. A private television network that supports General Sisi broadcast footage of Mr. Badie in custody.

    The police scarcely bothered to offer a credible explanation for the deaths of three dozen Morsi supporters in custody over the weekend. After repeatedly shifting stories, they ultimately said the detainees had suffocated from tear gas during a failed escape attempt. But photographs taken at the morgue on Monday showed that at least two had been badly burned from the shoulders up and that others bore evidence of torture.

    Security officers have a new bounce in their step. They are again pulling men from their cars at checkpoints for interrogation because they have beards, or dealing out arbitrary beatings with a sense of impunity — Mubarak-era hallmarks that had receded in recent years. Among civilians, even those outside the Muslim Brotherhood, fear of the police is growing.

    Badr Abdelatty, a Foreign Ministry spokesman, denied any resemblance between the new government and Mr. Mubarak’s. “The emergency law is just for one month and for one objective: fighting terrorism,” he said, using the term that the new government applies to both civil disobedience and acts of violence by Islamist opponents of the military takeover. “The only way to fight terrorism is to apply the rule of law, and some emergency measures for just one month, to bring back law and order.”

    More than 1,000 Brotherhood members and other supporters of Mr. Morsi have died since Wednesday in a police crackdown, and his ouster has set off a wave of retaliatory violence from his supporters, mainly targeting churches around the country and security forces in the relatively lawless northern Sinai. In the latest episode there, militants killed 25 police officers and wounded 3 others on Monday in an attack on their minibuses. Officials said the bodies were face down with bound hands, evidently assassinated.

    Egyptian state and private television networks, all pro-government now, broadcast images of the bodies’ return to Cairo, sometimes under a heading about Egypt’s fight against terrorism. The Muslim Brotherhood, which has denounced those killings, held protests and marches by thousands of its supporters in Cairo and across the country, as it has every day for the six weeks since Mr. Morsi’s ouster.

    Some analysts said Monday that the new government was arguably more authoritarian than Mr. Mubarak’s. “The Mubarak state was actually less repressive than what we are seeing now,” said Shadi Hamid, research director for the Brookings Doha Center in Qatar. “In terms of sheer number of people killed, what we are seeing is unprecedented for Egypt.”

    But where Mr. Mubarak’s supporters were diffident or self-serving, Mr. Hamid said, General Sisi “has the fervent backing of millions of ordinary Egyptians, many of whom think the army has not been sufficiently brutal against the Muslim Brotherhood.”

    “That is what makes this new authoritarian order much more resilient and harder to dislodge,” he said.

    One human rights advocate said the symbolism of Mr. Mubarak’s release might help. “For someone like me, it would be greatly helpful,” said Hossam Bahgat, founder of the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights and one of only a few advocates who have questioned General Sisi’s declaration that he was advancing the 2011 revolution by removing the elected president.

    “It is better to end the theatrics and have some clarity,” Mr. Bahgat argued, if only to convince former revolutionaries of the danger that the authoritarianism of “the Mubarak state” may be re-emerging in a different guise.

    Judges have dismissed many charges originally brought against Mr. Mubarak, including directing the killing of protesters. But the previous post-Mubarak governments always made clear that they would keep finding new allegations to keep the former leader behind bars. The council of generals that succeeded Mr. Mubarak was too desperate to placate the public and preserve its own legitimacy to release him, and Mr. Morsi campaigned on promises to keep him locked up.

    But the Sisi government has no such insecurity about its power, or hostility to Mr. Mubarak. Some members of political factions that had previously joined rallies for Mr. Mubarak’s incarceration, or even execution, said they believed the public did not care so much anymore.

    “I don’t think people are paying the slightest attention,” said Hussein Gohar, a spokesman for the Social Democratic Party. “And if it happens, it will not have anything close to the impact it would have had a year ago,” he said of Mr. Mubarak’s release, in part “because people have moved on” and in part “because of the paradigm shift to support for the army.”

    Besides, Mr. Gohar said, he did not think the new military-backed authorities would allow massive protests against Mr. Mubarak, once an Air Force general. “At the end of the day, Mubarak is part of the military,” Mr. Gohar said. “He is one of them.”

    The interim government bears other resemblances to the Mubarak government. General Sisi, the defense minister, was Mr. Mubarak’s head of military intelligence. The figurehead president, Adli Mansour, a judge, was appointed to a top court under Mr. Mubarak. The interior minister was a high-ranking official under Mr. Mubarak. The foreign minister is a senior ambassador who served in Washington. The finance minister is an economist who worked closely with Mr. Mubarak’s son and designated successor, Gamal, who became a senior figure in the old ruling party. And the justice minister is another judge appointed to a top court under Mr. Mubarak.

    But many pointed to crucial differences between now and the Mubarak era.

    Mr. Gohar of the Social Democrats said the revolution had inculcated a new demand for participation and accountability that would prevent a return to the old order. “There is still a deep state, of course, but you cannot go back,” he said, adding that continued pro-Morsi protests demonstrated Egyptians’ new assertiveness. “People are not going to be passive anymore and just accept what is handed to them by the government.”

    Mr. Bahgat argued that General Sisi’s government might rely on the same people, institutions and tactics that Mr. Mubarak did, but said it was a new authoritarianism, not a restoration. This time, he said, there is a much greater emphasis on “the propaganda machine,” suggesting that attention to public opinion may be the main legacy of the 2011 revolt.

    Many analysts say that whatever its inclinations, the government is unlikely to risk even a small public backlash at this volatile moment by releasing Mr. Mubarak. If it does not, his continued incarceration opens the intriguing possibility that he and Mr. Morsi, now detained at an unknown location, might end up in jail together. Mr. Morsi is no stranger to jail: he was there as a political prisoner just before Mr. Mubarak’s ouster.

    `But I don't want to go among mad people,' Alice remarked.
     `Oh, you can't help that,' said the Cat: `we're all mad here. I'm mad.  You're mad.'
     `How do you know I'm mad?' said Alice.
     `You must be,' said the Cat, `or you wouldn't have come here.'
  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #105 - August 20, 2013, 10:24 AM


    Saudi Arabia Promises to Aid Egypt’s Regime

    CAIRO — Saudi Arabia has emerged as the foremost supporter of Egypt’s military rulers, explicitly backing the violent crackdown on Islamists and using its oil wealth and diplomatic muscle to help defy growing pressure from the West to end the bloodshed in search of a political solution.

    As Europeans and the United States considered cutting cash aid to Egypt, Saudi Arabia said Monday that it and its allies would make up any reduction — effectively neutralizing the West’s main leverage over Cairo. With Egypt’s economy in free fall, the country’s authorities might not have survived international outrage at a crackdown that has left as many as 1,000 dead and 4,000 wounded without the deep pockets of its Persian Gulf allies.

    In recent days, King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia has publicly condemned the Muslim Brotherhood, sent field hospitals to Egypt and in rare public comments vowed continued support. The foreign minister, Prince Saud Al-Faisal, traveled to Europe, where he pushed back against efforts to punish Egypt’s rulers. And Saudi Arabia delivered a blank check to Cairo, promising to shower it with money as needed.

    “The kingdom stands with Egypt and against all those who try to interfere with its domestic affairs,” King Abdullah said Friday in a televised speech.

    Saudi Arabia, which itself is a close ally of Washington, has not only undermined Western efforts to press for compromise, but has also revealed diminished United States influence across the Arab world. The United States and Europe have been unable to convince Cairo — or to persuade Riyadh to press the generals toward moderation.

    The Saudis, though, are not alone in this. Two other United States allies, Israel and the United Arab Emirates, have also supported the Egyptian military and sought to push back against Western entreaties that it temper its actions against the Brotherhood and the ousted government of President Mohamed Morsi and his supporters.

    Saudi Arabia, which historically preferred to work its checkbook diplomacy from behind the scenes, jumped at the chance to help reverse a revolution that it opposed from the start.

    The Saudis complained bitterly when President Hosni Mubarak, a longtime ally, was forced from power, and even more bitterly when the Muslim Brotherhood emerged as Egypt’s primary political force. And its leaders may have been comfortable with Gen. Abdul-Fattah el-Sisi, who had served as the Egyptian government’s military attaché in Riyadh, according to the general’s official biography on the Egyptian military’s Web site.

    “The Saudi monarchy is absolutely afraid of an Islamist-based democracy movement,” said Amanda E. Rogers, a lecturer in Arabic at Emory University in Atlanta and contributor to Muftah, a blog about the Middle East and North Africa.

    The Saudis have long wielded their great wealth in regional causes. But even by Saudi standards, their efforts in Egypt stand out. Within a week of the Egyptian military’s July 3 takeover, they had announced a $12 billion rescue package that dwarfs direct military and economic grants from the United States ($1.5 billion) and the European Union ($1.3 billion) combined. The gulf Arabs’ deep pockets made the United States’ contribution seem important largely for its symbolism.

    Within hours of the king’s speech on Friday, the Saudi foreign minister, Prince Faisal, was on his way to Paris, where he said the French president, François Hollande, supported the Egyptian generals’ road map. That seemed to contradict the statements of other European countries condemning the new government for failing to control the violence.

    Back in Saudi Arabia by Monday, the prince boasted that France had come around to his country’s point of view because of “truths and not assumptions.” It was unclear, however, if the French government shared that interpretation.

    “Concerning those who announced stopping their assistance to Egypt or threatening to stop them, the Arab and Islamic nation is rich with its people and capabilities and will lend a helping hand,” Prince Faisal said, in a statement carried on the Saudi Press Agency’s Web site.

    Saudi Arabia blamed the United States and other allies for failing to support Mr. Mubarak in 2011 when Egyptians took to the street provoking his ouster. But their criticism was mostly in private, and low-key. Even after the Muslim Brotherhood-backed government of Mr. Morsi was elected, the kingdom responded quickly to keep the treasury solvent with a substantial $5 billion in aid.

    By July 10, one week after the military takeover, the Saudis had put together a package of aid totaling $12 billion: $5 billion from the kingdom, $3 billion from the United Arab Emirates and $4 billion from Kuwait.

    Unlike American aid, much of the Saudi assistance goes directly into Egyptian coffers with no strings attached. Much of it is cash transferred directly to the Egyptian Central Bank, with the rest grants of free or subsidized oil products, which free an equivalent amount of money for Egypt to budget as it wishes.

    By contrast, American and European governments have insisted — often for legal reasons under their own laws — that aid is monitored and often channeled through nongovernmental relief groups.

    There is a strong rivalry between Saudi Arabia and other Persian Gulf allies of the Egyptian military, on the one hand, and Qatar and Turkey, on the other, both of which are big supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood. Qatar has often outspent even the Saudis in pursuit of its foreign policy goals, and has put much of its money into Arab Spring causes like battling governments in Libya and Syria.

    The Saudis, on the other hand, have championed shoring up the established order, which in Egypt is represented by the generals.

    “The Saudis feel they need to create a diplomatic and economic bloc to support Egypt, or it will collapse,” said Hussein al-Shobokshy, a Jeddah-based Saudi columnist who often writes on Egyptian-Saudi relations. “Prince Faisal is taking the pole in championing the cause right now; he is carrying the banner for Egypt,” he said.

    Anwar Majid Eshki, the chairman of the Middle East Center for Strategic and Legal Studies, a Saudi-based research center, said Saudi officials were buoyed by what they perceived as Prince Faisal’s success in France. “We are getting that message out to the friends of Saudi Arabia, in Europe and the United States, this is our assessment of the situation,” he said.

    Over the weekend, however, the European Union officially condemned the violence and blamed the military regime for doing little to stop it.

    Ordinary Egyptians have long had something of a love-hate relationship with Saudi Arabia. Some 1.5 million to 2 million Egyptian guest workers are employed there, but many come back soured by the experience.

    Last year, rioting outside their Cairo embassy forced the Saudis to close it; protesters were angry at the decision to sentence an Egyptian human rights lawyer, Ahmed al-Gezawi, to prison and 300 lashes. The Saudis claim he was a drug smuggler; Mr. Gezawi’s supporters say his lawsuit against King Abdullah, challenging human rights violations against Egyptian guest workers, was the cause of the prosecution.

    Now, however, on the issue of financial aid, at least among the sizable anti-Muslim Brotherhood camp, there is plenty of applause for the Saudi stance. “I would lick the floor rather than take that aid from America,” said Mahmoud Salama, a businessman in Cairo and a recent returnee from Australia.

    “I don’t agree with many things in Saudi Arabia, but the Saudis know that Egypt is their back, their biggest neighbor, and that they should support us when we need support.”

    `But I don't want to go among mad people,' Alice remarked.
     `Oh, you can't help that,' said the Cat: `we're all mad here. I'm mad.  You're mad.'
     `How do you know I'm mad?' said Alice.
     `You must be,' said the Cat, `or you wouldn't have come here.'
  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #106 - August 27, 2013, 11:16 PM

    The crackdown isn't just affecting the Muslim Brotherhood and its supporters...

    Security crackdowns against two labor strikes — at the Suez Steel Company and Scimitar Petroleum Company — and a potential one at the Misr Textile Company in Mahalla, have been eclipsed by news of crackdowns against the Muslim Brotherhood.

    Receiving negligible media coverage, these industrial actions were crushed by police and the Armed Forces within the span of less than one week. Security forces arrested two strike leaders as they surrounded the Suez Steel Company on August 12, while the strike at the Scimitar Petroleum Company was forcefully put down on August 17 and a host of strikers briefly detained, with legal charges leveled against them.

    Furthermore, on August 21, police forces stormed and searched the homes of four workers from the Suez Steel Company, and arrested one union leader in the process. Fourteen strikers from the company have been threatened with prosecution and/or dismissal.

    The demands of the Suez Steel Company workers include the payment of their wages for the month of July and the payment of overdue profit-sharing. Meanwhile, workers at the Scimitar Petroleum Company have been demanding overdue bonuses and the reinstatement of several sacked workers, along with better wages and working conditions.

    Meanwhile, in an attempt to frighten or threaten the workers, the army deployed its APCs earlier this week inside and around the Misr Textile Company in Mahalla where nearly 20,000 workers are on strike demanding improved wages and overdue bonuses. Army officers have reportedly called on workers to end their strike and to move towards negotiations.

    But in a context where the security apparatuses are mobilized against any protest movement in the wake of the current regime's war on the Muslim Brotherhood, industrial actions are slammed as destabilizing and quelled. Moreover, the ruling regime has recently tried to associate them with what it deems a Brotherhood threat.

    According to Fatma Ramadan of the Egyptian Federation of Independent Trade Unions (EFITU), “these latest crackdowns are part of the security forces’ ongoing policy against industrial actions.” She explains that since the fall of former President Hosni Mubarak, the security apparatuses are “repeatedly attempting to criminalize workers’ strikes and protests and to portray striking workers as trouble-makers, counter-revolutionaries, hired-hands and provocateurs seeking to harm the economy.”

    In relation to the current period following the ouster of former President Mohamed Morsi in July, Ramadan adds, “The police are utilizing these exceptional laws as a pretext to crackdown on striking workers. Under these exceptional circumstances and this atmosphere of fear, striking workers are being labeled as terrorists or agents of the Muslim Brotherhood, along with other baseless accusations.”

    Amr Youssef, a union organizer at the Suez Steel Company whom police arrested as he attempted to enter the factory gates on August 12, recounts that 14 workers have been threatened by both their employer and the security forces. "They’ve threatened to sack us from our jobs, while also claiming that we are Muslim Brotherhood supporters," he explains.

    “In our earlier protests, they had claimed that we were feloul (Mubarak loyalists,) then they claimed we were communists seeking to destroy the company and destabilize the Egyptian economy. In reality we are non-affiliated workers. We are not feloul, communists, or members of the Brotherhood,” he says.

    Youssef explains that a large contingent of security forces, including several police trucks and APCs had been deployed outside the main entrance to the Suez Steel Company on August 12. Security forces identified Youssef, along with fellow unionist Rauf Abdel Khaleq, as they attempted to enter the company premises. They were both taken to the local police station, questioned, threatened and then released within a few hours.

    “Several of our coworkers tried to follow the police truck carrying us away from the company, but security forces prevented them from doing so. A scuffle broke out, and the troops ended up breaking a worker’s arm and injuring two others,” he says.

    “Prior to these clashes, we were chanting for [Armed Forces General Commander Abdel Fattah] al-Sisi so as to show the security forces that we are not political opponents of the regime,” he adds.

    “In its so-called ‘fight against terrorism,’ we advise the state not to scapegoat striking workers,” says Adel Zakariya of the independent Center for Trade Union and Workers’ Services. He called on the ruling authorities to “prevent the exploitation of workers, and to respect their legitimate rights to protest and strike — as is stipulated in international conventions to which Egypt is signatory.”

    But following these crackdowns against workers at the Suez Steel Company and the Scimitar Petroleum Company — along with several crackdowns against the Brotherhood — Sisi addressed the nation on August 18, speaking in defense of the ailing national economy and against work-stoppages. “We must seek to double our production,” he said.

    Sisi also sought to associate labor protests with the Muslim Brotherhood: “Don't give anyone the chance to interrupt your work. Let's all work, let's build our country and let's move forward. This is what we need to do.”

    Moreover, Sisi called on workers to take action against “instigators” of strikes. He added, “Tell those neighbors, please no more. If we can do this, we will effectively contribute to avoiding bloodshed and casualties. Moreover, we will help quell this sedition. And again, don't let anybody interrupt production because this is another means of tearing the country down.”

    However, Sisi did not mention the negative economic repercussions associated with his heavy-handed security crackdowns, curfews and emergency law.

    Ramadan of the EFITU, explains that “the imposition of emergency law and curfews are clearly affecting labor rights, including the right to work, organize, and to strike, along with other rights.”

    Similarly, Saud Omar, secretary of the Suez Regional Workers’ Federation asserts that “all exceptional laws harm workers’ rights and liberties. Curfews and emergency law may lead to even more punitive measures against workers, and further deterioration of labor freedoms.”

    Three days after Sisi’s address, on August 21, security forces stormed and searched the homes of four workers from the Suez Steel Company who had been accused of instigating the strike. On the same day, unionist Mohamed Mabrouk was arrested at a security checkpoint and taken to the local police station where he was questioned and threatened.

    Mabrouk who was detained for around 24 hours, says, “I was not physically harmed or abused at the hands of the police, but conditions in detention there are inhuman.”

    Like his coworkers Youssef and Abdel Khaleq before him, Mabrouk was reportedly told to accept resignation from the company in return for monetary compensation.

    “Police officers told us to return to work and stop obstructing production, or to accept our employer’s offer of LE150,000 (around US$2,146) to leave the company,” Youssef recounts. He adds that a senior officer at the police station said to him, “if a man is tired of his wife, he divorces her.”

    Shortly after some 2,100 workers launched their strike on July 23, the Suez Steel Company’s Managing Director, Rafiq al-Dauw, filed complaints to prosecutors, security forces and local authorities against the 14 “strike instigators” whom he wants to sack.

    According to Ramadan, “the Suez Steel workers had similarly filed complaints to local authorities against the company owners and administrators accusing them of breaching their labor rights, yet the workers’ complaints fell on deaf ears.”

    Ramadan adds that “prosecutors ignored these workers’ demands, while the police and Armed Forces have again sided with the employers.  Mubarak’s old security apparatus is still in power, and thus they will continue to protect employers’ interests at the expense of workers’ rights.”

    After a month-long strike, workers at the Suez Steel Company expressed their willingness to return to work on August 22 — yet indicated that they may re-launch their strike at any time if the employers refuse to meet their demands.
    However, according to Zakariya, seven workers out of the 14 so-called instigators appear to be in the process of being sacked, while the remaining seven are being threatened with the same fate. Nevertheless, workers have been demanding their reinstatement.

    Dauw could not be reached for comment; neither could the Scimitar Petroleum Company’s administrators or workers.
    Meanwhile, at the Scimitar Company, operating by the Red Sea town of Ras Ghareb, the number of workers assaulted and/or detained during the crackdown on August 17 has not been confirmed. However, this crackdown did succeed in ending a three day work-stoppage from August 14-17. An unspecified number of striking workers at the company have reportedly been referred to prosecution.

    While both the Suez and Scimitar companies have resumed operations following crackdowns — Scimitar went back to work on August 17, and the Suez Steel Company resumed production on August 22 — further protests and strikes at these companies may still be expected, however.

    Ramadan says that she expects both industrial actions and security crackdowns to continue. “Hunger and social injustice will continue to fuel labor protests across the country. No amount of arrests, trials, crackdowns or exceptional laws will be able to end these labor actions.”

    “Only an inclusive social dialogue with workers and their unions will be able to decrease labor unrest. Until then, workers will continue to struggle for their rights, and for the demands of the revolution: Bread, freedom, social justice, and human dignity.”

  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #107 - August 28, 2013, 12:38 AM

     Afro zeca, always with the good links. Yeah looks like violently breaking strikes is something Mubarak, Morsi, and El-Sisi can all agree on.

    fuck you
  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #108 - August 28, 2013, 02:55 PM

    I wonder if the Egyptians misses Abdul-Nasser's days

    "I'm standing here like an asshole holding my Charles Dickens"

    "No theory,No ready made system,no book that has ever been written to save the world. i cleave to no system.."-Bakunin
  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #109 - August 29, 2013, 07:24 PM
    Video from Masmou3
    At 9 pm in Cairo, when the curfew begins, the streets grow eerily quiet – except, here and there, for the sound of clanging pots and pans. This is the result of a campaign launched by Egyptians who support neither the Muslim Brotherhood nor the army-backed government.
    Inspired by Turkish protesters who used the same technique during massive anti-government protests in May, a group of Egyptian citizens made a call on Twitter on August 17 asking anyone who was tired of the battle between the Muslim Brotherhood and the army, and that felt that neither represented them, to start banging on their kitchenware at the start of curfew every night. They also made short videos to promote their campaign, which they dubbed “Masmou3”, meaning “heard”.

    While not officially linked to any one group, the campaign is seen by many of its supporters as an offshoot of the ‘Third Square’ movement, born just two weeks before Morsi was toppled in the beginning of July. This movement also seeks to bring together those who support neither the army nor the Muslim Brotherhood. With the current curfew, ‘Third Square’ supporters are no longer able to organise any street protests…

  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #110 - August 29, 2013, 08:04 PM
    what a tube .. that last one is from a  well educated young man from Egypt.  at the end Problem is always is Juicy land......

    You know what Jews say jokingly about Judaism? If you ask two Rabbis what Judaism is, you will get at least three answers.  Wink

    You know what's not a joke about most Middle-Easteners? If you ask one guy about politics, you will hear at least three contradicting conspiracies.  Afro
  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #111 - October 07, 2013, 08:14 AM

    Meanwhile, in Cairo:

  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #112 - October 07, 2013, 01:57 PM

    Meanwhile, in Cairo:

    (Clicky for piccy!)

    Yap.. white horses and Islamic heroes ..

    and mean while Meanwhile, in Cairo: Clashes turn deadly as Islamists stir tensions in Egypt] toor

    At least 28 people were killed in clashes between Islamists and police in Egypt Sunday, as thousands of supporters of the military marked the anniversary of the 1973 Arab-Israeli war.

    Supporters of deposed Islamist president Mohamed Morsi, overthrown in a July military coup, tried to converge on a central Cairo square for the anniversary celebrations, when police confronted them.

    At least 26 civilians were killed in Cairo, and two south of the capital, and 94 people were wounded, senior health ministry official Khaled al-Khatib told reporters.

    I am sure that number will go up...

    Do not let silence become your legacy.. Question everything   
    I renounced my faith to become a kafir, 
    the beloved betrayed me and turned in to  a Muslim
  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #113 - April 30, 2014, 05:53 PM

    For the first time, one of the five founders of the Tamarod, the movement that led the protests that ousted the Muslim Brotherhood last year, admits his movement was taking orders from the army.

    CAIRO — On the night of July 3, 2013, Moheb Doss stood looking at his television set in disbelief as a statement was read in his name on national television.

    The words coming out of the presenter’s mouth bore no resemblance to the carefully drafted statement that Doss, one of the five co-founders of the Tamarod, or Rebel, movement had helped draft hours earlier. It was a statement to mark the moment of Tamarod’s victory, as the protests the group launched on June 30 led to the ouster of the Muslim Brotherhood government just five days later. It was a statement, Doss said, that the group hoped would have a stabilizing effect on the Egyptian public, as it called for a peaceful transition toward a democratic path.

    Instead, the presenter quoted Tamarod as calling for the army to step in and protect the people from “brute aggression” by terrorists during potentially turbulent days. The statement supported the army’s forcible removal and arrest of Brotherhood leader and then-President Mohamed Morsi, and dismissed charges that what was happening was a coup.

    “What we drafted was a revolutionary statement. It was about peace, and going forward on a democratic path,” Doss told BuzzFeed. “What was read was a statement that could have been written by the army.”

    For five days, millions of Egyptians had taken to the streets and demanded an end to the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood. Their numbers surpassed even the wildest expectations of Tamarod, a then-largely unknown group that organized the protests. The five founders became instant celebrities, and on the night of July 3, the moment it appeared their victory was imminent, all of Egypt’s television stations had turned to them for a statement on what would happen next.

    “What state TV read was as if it had been written by the army, it threatened the Brotherhood, told them they would use force if necessary,” Doss said. “I was shocked. I understood then that the movement had completely gotten away from us.”

    It was, he realized later, the end of a process that began weeks earlier, in which the army and security officials slowly but steadily began exerting an influence over Tamarod, seizing upon the group’s reputation as a grassroots revolutionary movement to carry out their own schemes for Egypt.

    “What they did, they did in our names because we let them,” said Doss, who admits he turned a blind eye for too long to what was happening behind the scenes at Tamarod. “The leaders of Tamarod let themselves be directed by others. They took orders from others.”

    While the Tamarod movement has, in the past, been linked to Egypt’s interior ministry and its members have admitted in off-record interviews to taking phone calls from the army, never before has a member of Tamarod said that they were under the direct guidance of Egyptian army and intelligence officials. The accusations confirm the suspicions of many in Egypt that the group could not have enjoyed such widespread success without being helped along by senior Egyptian officials.

    When, on the night of July 3, the military ousted the Brotherhood from government, arresting Morsi and whisking him to a secret location, they did so in the name of the tens of millions of people who had taken to the streets after Tamarod circulated a petition across Egypt that drew up a number of complaints against the Muslim Brotherhood-held government.

    “How did we go from such a small thing, five guys trying to change Egypt, to the movement which brought tens of millions to the street to get rid of the Brotherhood? The answer is we didn’t. I understand now it wasn’t us, we were being used as the face of what something bigger than us wanted,” said Doss, who now has nothing to do with the Tamarod movement, or political life in Egypt. “We were naïve, and we were not responsible.”

    In six weeks, Egypt will go to the polls and elect its first president since Morsi’s ouster. By all accounts, army strongman Abdel Fatah el-Sisi, who recently stepped down as the army chief, will win.

    Doss now wonders if that wasn’t the plan all along.

  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #114 - April 30, 2014, 10:48 PM


    Devious, treacherous, murderous, neanderthal, sub-human of the West. bunny
  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #115 - September 17, 2014, 01:36 PM

    More than one year later, we can say that Baradei&some secularists were used as decoration for the return of the military.What seemed to be short term gains, looks to be short term loss, and maybe long term loss.
  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #116 - September 17, 2014, 05:43 PM

    ^I think many Egyptians and the people of that region just want some sort of stability now and to be honest the military has never been absent in Egyptian politics, even under Morsi.

    "Is God willing to prevent evil, but not able? Then he is not omnipotent.
     Is he able, but not willing? Then he is malevolent.
     Is he both able and willing? Then whence cometh evil?
     Is he neither able nor willing? Then why call him God." - Epicurus
  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #117 - February 13, 2015, 05:47 PM

    Interesting interview here with Philip Rizk, a filmmaker and writer living in Cairo
  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #118 - March 03, 2015, 07:53 PM
    Fresh leaks, claiming to feature close allies of Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi speaking about the penetrating political role of the United Arab Emirates in managing Egypt’s internal affairs, were aired on Sunday evening.

    The 70-minute leak claims to reveal conversations in which the Egyptian presidential office was coordinating with UAE officials about the delivery of weapons to Libya and the funnelling of funds to Tamarod – a movement that was established to gather popular support against ousted Egyptian president Mohamed Morsi.

    The leaks also purport to reveal secret meetings between Egyptian officials, UAE leaders and Quartet special envoy to the Middle East Tony Blair.


    In another leak, allegedly recorded on 21 January 2014, Kamel spoke to Colonel Sedky Sobhy, Egypt’s minister of defence.

    “We will need 200,000 [Egyptian pounds] from the Tamarod account […] which was opened by the Emirates,” he is alleged to have said, while shakily asking Sobhy if he could ascertain that this conversation will not be leaked.

    “These leaks prove Tamarod is a creation of the UAE and the Egyptian intelligence and that 30 June was a fabrication,” Seifeddin Abdelfattah, professor of politics at Cairo University, told Mekameleen, criticising the argument made by Egyptian officials in 2013 that the military coup was a popular revolution against Morsi.

    The huge protests in 2013 against Morsi were reportedly organised by the Tamarod movement and provided the basis for Sisi to argue it was a popular revolution, not a military coup, that brought him to power.

    Later in the leaks, Kamel is again heard allegedly telling President Sisi that a delegation from the UAE will be coming with Tony Blair for an unofficial meeting.

  • Morsi ousted by military in Egypt
     Reply #119 - March 03, 2015, 07:59 PM

    Very interesting evidence of a coup.
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